Presidents and Crisis: Chester Alan Arthur and the Death of James Garfield
In 1880 the Republican Party was divided into three factions. The largest two of these were colloquially known as the Stalwarts and the Half-Breeds. The Stalwarts believed in using political patronage to reward supporters. They were led by dynamic New York Senator Roscoe Conkling. The Half-Breeds were more amenable to reforming the Civil Service so that government hiring could be based on merit and not on political connections. They were led by Maine Senator and former Speaker of the House James G. Blaine. Chester Alan Arthur was a leading political organizer and fundraiser for the Stalwarts. He had never run for political office, but he had once been the Collector of Customs for the Port of New York, the highest paying and most powerful patronage position in the country. In July of 1878, Arthur was fired from that position by President Rutherford B. Hayes.
Hayes had promised to serve only one term as President and when the 1880 election approached, the Stalwarts wanted their man in the White House so that they could regain control of many powerful patronage positions. Conkling, Arthur and the other Stalwarts went to the 1880 Republican National Convention hoping to nominate their ally, former President Ulysses Grant, and the Republican candidate in the upcoming election. Although he had left office tarnished by scandals, Grant had rehabilitated his political image thanks to a popular world tour after leaving office. The Half-Breeds wanted Blaine to win the nomination. When the convention took place, neither candidate could win a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots. Finally the convention chose dark horse candidate James A. Garfield, an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was not aligned with either faction.
Garfield and his supporters knew that they could not win the election unless they won the state of New York, and to do that they needed the support of the Stalwarts. They decided to offer the vice presidential nomination to a New York Stalwart. Levi P. Morton was their first choice, but he consulted with Conkling, who advised him to decline the offer. Morton did just that. They next approached Arthur, and once again Conkling advised him to reject the nomination. But contrary to his image as a sycophant, Arthur disobeyed Conkling and accepted the nomination. According to an eyewitness account by journalist William C. Hudson, Conkling and Arthur argued about the matter before Arthur said: "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining." Conkling relented, and campaigned for the ticket. He did so in part believing that he had reached a deal with Garfield that Stalwarts would control political patronage in New York.
As expected, the election was close, but the ticket of Garfield and Arthur won New York and won the contest for the White House. The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes. But the electoral college result was 214 to 155 and Garfield and Arthur were elected.
After the election, Arthur had a tense relationship with his President. Garfield did not seek out Arthur's advice on cabinet selections and tried unsuccessfully to persuade Garfield to fill key positions New York Stalwarts, especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury. The Stalwarts were especially offended when Garfield appointed Blaine as Secretary of State. Arthur became critical of his boss. This was also problematic for Garfield because the Senate was divided. It was composed of 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent (David Davis) who caucused with the Democrats, one Readjuster (William Mahone who usually sided with the Republicans), and four vacancies. As Vice-President, Arthur represented the tie-breaking vote. Despite having this advantage, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition.
In May of 1881, Conkling became frustrated over what he perceived to be Garfield breaking his promise to let the Stalwarts control patronage in New York, especially when Garfield nominated a reformer and not a Stalwart for the coveted position of Collector of Customs (Arthur's old job). Conkling and the other Senator from New York, Thomas C. Platt, resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction. They hoped that they would be reappointed by the New York legislature, proving that Garfield lacked support in the state without them. After the Senate recessed for the summer, Arthur returned to New York. He went with Conkling to Albany to lobby in support of his Stalwart leader.
It was when Arthur was in Albany on July 2, that he learned that Garfield had been shot. The assassin was Charles J. Guiteau, a deranged office-seeker who was a Stalwart and who had given one speech during the campaign for the Garfield-Arthur ticket. Though clearly unqualified, he had believed that Garfield's successor would appoint him to a patronage job as a foreign consul. After he shot Garfield, he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!" At first there was suspicion that Arthur and the Stalwarts had orchestrated Garfield's shooting, but this dissipated as soon as people realized how crazy Guiteau was.
Garfield's wounds left him too ill to carry on his duties as president, and the nation was left leaderless. Because this problem had never arisen before, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority. Arthur was reluctant to be seen acting as president while Garfield lived, especially with suspicion cast on the Stalwarts by Guiteau. For the next two months there was a void of authority in the executive office. Garfield too weak to carry out his duties, and Arthur was reluctant to assume them.
Through that summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington. Garfield had shown some signs of recovery, but by September his condition had worsened, likely due to medical malpractice more so than his bullet wounds. Arthur remained at his Lexington Avenue home in New York City, receiving reports on Garfield's condition. On the night of September 19, he learned that Garfield had died.
Judge John R. Brady of the New York Supreme Court was summoned to Arthur's home to administer the oath of office at 2:15 a.m. on September 20. Later that day Arthur took a train to Long Branch, New Jersey, where Garfield had been at the time of his death. Arthur paid respects to Garfield and to left a card of sympathy for the slain president's widow. He then returned to New York City. On the 21st, he returned to Long Branch to take part in Garfield's funeral, and then joined the funeral train as it traveled back to Washington. Before leaving New York, he prepared and mailed to the White House a proclamation calling for a Senate special session. This was done so that the Senate had legal authority to convene immediately and choose a Senate president pro tempore, who would be able to assume the presidency if Arthur died. When he returned to Washington, he destroyed the mailed proclamation and issued a formal call for a special session.
Arthur arrived in Washington, D.C. on September 21. On September 22 he re-took the oath of office, this time before Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite, out of an abundance of caution. He took up residence at the home of Senator John P. Jones, while White House was remodeled.
Arthur quickly came into conflict with Garfield's cabinet, most of whom supporters of other factions of the party. He graciously asked the cabinet members to remain until December, when Congress would reconvene. Treasury Secretary William Windom submitted his resignation in October to enter a Senate race in his home state of Minnesota, at which point Arthur chose Charles J. Folger, his friend and fellow New York Stalwart as Windom's replacement. Blaine remained as Secretary of State until Congress reconvened. In Blaine's place, Arthur chose Frederick T. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, a Stalwart recommended by ex-President Grant. It was a strong demonstration of his newfound independence, as he chose not to appoint Roscoe Conkling to the position. Conkling was angered by Arthur's refusal to do so and this effectively ended the relationship between the two former friends. Frelinghuysen advised Arthur not to fill any future vacancies with Stalwarts.
Arthur would eventually sign Civil Service Reform legislation that would lead to the end of the old system of doling out patronage jobs. Some attribute Arthur's change of heart from spoilsman to reformer to a series of letters he received from a young woman named Julia Sand. Arthur kept these letters and later met with Ms. Sand, causing some biographers to place great importance on this correspondence. In one letter written soon after Arthur became president. Julia Sand wrote:
"“Your kindest opponents say 'Arthur will try to do right' – adding gloomily – 'He won't succeed though making a man President cannot change him.' But making a man President can change him! Great emergencies awaken generous traits which have lain dormant half a life. If there is a spark of true nobility in you, now is the occasion to let it shine. Faith in your better nature forces me to write to you – but not to beg you to resign. Do what is more difficult and brave. Reform! It is not proof of highest goodness never to have done wrong, but it is proof of it, sometimes in ones career, to pause and ponder, to recognize the evil, to turn resolutely against it. Once in a while there comes a crisis which renders miracles feasible. The great tidal wave of sorrow which has rolled over the country has swept you loose from your old moorings & set you on a mountaintop, alone. Disappoint our fears. Force the nation to have faith in you. Show from the first that you have none but the purest of aims. You cannot slink back into obscurity, if you would. A hundred years hence, school boys will recite your name in the list of presidents and tell of your administration. And what shall posterity say? It is for you to choose."
Hayes had promised to serve only one term as President and when the 1880 election approached, the Stalwarts wanted their man in the White House so that they could regain control of many powerful patronage positions. Conkling, Arthur and the other Stalwarts went to the 1880 Republican National Convention hoping to nominate their ally, former President Ulysses Grant, and the Republican candidate in the upcoming election. Although he had left office tarnished by scandals, Grant had rehabilitated his political image thanks to a popular world tour after leaving office. The Half-Breeds wanted Blaine to win the nomination. When the convention took place, neither candidate could win a majority of delegates and, deadlocked after thirty-six ballots. Finally the convention chose dark horse candidate James A. Garfield, an Ohio Congressman and Civil War General who was not aligned with either faction.
Garfield and his supporters knew that they could not win the election unless they won the state of New York, and to do that they needed the support of the Stalwarts. They decided to offer the vice presidential nomination to a New York Stalwart. Levi P. Morton was their first choice, but he consulted with Conkling, who advised him to decline the offer. Morton did just that. They next approached Arthur, and once again Conkling advised him to reject the nomination. But contrary to his image as a sycophant, Arthur disobeyed Conkling and accepted the nomination. According to an eyewitness account by journalist William C. Hudson, Conkling and Arthur argued about the matter before Arthur said: "The office of the Vice-President is a greater honor than I ever dreamed of attaining." Conkling relented, and campaigned for the ticket. He did so in part believing that he had reached a deal with Garfield that Stalwarts would control political patronage in New York.
As expected, the election was close, but the ticket of Garfield and Arthur won New York and won the contest for the White House. The Republicans carried New York by 20,000 votes and won the nationwide popular vote by just 7,018 votes. But the electoral college result was 214 to 155 and Garfield and Arthur were elected.
After the election, Arthur had a tense relationship with his President. Garfield did not seek out Arthur's advice on cabinet selections and tried unsuccessfully to persuade Garfield to fill key positions New York Stalwarts, especially that of the Secretary of the Treasury. The Stalwarts were especially offended when Garfield appointed Blaine as Secretary of State. Arthur became critical of his boss. This was also problematic for Garfield because the Senate was divided. It was composed of 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, one independent (David Davis) who caucused with the Democrats, one Readjuster (William Mahone who usually sided with the Republicans), and four vacancies. As Vice-President, Arthur represented the tie-breaking vote. Despite having this advantage, the Senate remained deadlocked for two months over Garfield's nominations because of Conkling's opposition.
In May of 1881, Conkling became frustrated over what he perceived to be Garfield breaking his promise to let the Stalwarts control patronage in New York, especially when Garfield nominated a reformer and not a Stalwart for the coveted position of Collector of Customs (Arthur's old job). Conkling and the other Senator from New York, Thomas C. Platt, resigned in protest of Garfield's continuing opposition to their faction. They hoped that they would be reappointed by the New York legislature, proving that Garfield lacked support in the state without them. After the Senate recessed for the summer, Arthur returned to New York. He went with Conkling to Albany to lobby in support of his Stalwart leader.
It was when Arthur was in Albany on July 2, that he learned that Garfield had been shot. The assassin was Charles J. Guiteau, a deranged office-seeker who was a Stalwart and who had given one speech during the campaign for the Garfield-Arthur ticket. Though clearly unqualified, he had believed that Garfield's successor would appoint him to a patronage job as a foreign consul. After he shot Garfield, he proclaimed to onlookers: "I am a Stalwart, and Arthur will be President!" At first there was suspicion that Arthur and the Stalwarts had orchestrated Garfield's shooting, but this dissipated as soon as people realized how crazy Guiteau was.
Garfield's wounds left him too ill to carry on his duties as president, and the nation was left leaderless. Because this problem had never arisen before, no one was sure who, if anyone, could exercise presidential authority. Arthur was reluctant to be seen acting as president while Garfield lived, especially with suspicion cast on the Stalwarts by Guiteau. For the next two months there was a void of authority in the executive office. Garfield too weak to carry out his duties, and Arthur was reluctant to assume them.
Through that summer, Arthur refused to travel to Washington. Garfield had shown some signs of recovery, but by September his condition had worsened, likely due to medical malpractice more so than his bullet wounds. Arthur remained at his Lexington Avenue home in New York City, receiving reports on Garfield's condition. On the night of September 19, he learned that Garfield had died.
Judge John R. Brady of the New York Supreme Court was summoned to Arthur's home to administer the oath of office at 2:15 a.m. on September 20. Later that day Arthur took a train to Long Branch, New Jersey, where Garfield had been at the time of his death. Arthur paid respects to Garfield and to left a card of sympathy for the slain president's widow. He then returned to New York City. On the 21st, he returned to Long Branch to take part in Garfield's funeral, and then joined the funeral train as it traveled back to Washington. Before leaving New York, he prepared and mailed to the White House a proclamation calling for a Senate special session. This was done so that the Senate had legal authority to convene immediately and choose a Senate president pro tempore, who would be able to assume the presidency if Arthur died. When he returned to Washington, he destroyed the mailed proclamation and issued a formal call for a special session.
Arthur arrived in Washington, D.C. on September 21. On September 22 he re-took the oath of office, this time before Chief Justice Morrison R. Waite, out of an abundance of caution. He took up residence at the home of Senator John P. Jones, while White House was remodeled.
Arthur quickly came into conflict with Garfield's cabinet, most of whom supporters of other factions of the party. He graciously asked the cabinet members to remain until December, when Congress would reconvene. Treasury Secretary William Windom submitted his resignation in October to enter a Senate race in his home state of Minnesota, at which point Arthur chose Charles J. Folger, his friend and fellow New York Stalwart as Windom's replacement. Blaine remained as Secretary of State until Congress reconvened. In Blaine's place, Arthur chose Frederick T. Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, a Stalwart recommended by ex-President Grant. It was a strong demonstration of his newfound independence, as he chose not to appoint Roscoe Conkling to the position. Conkling was angered by Arthur's refusal to do so and this effectively ended the relationship between the two former friends. Frelinghuysen advised Arthur not to fill any future vacancies with Stalwarts.
Arthur would eventually sign Civil Service Reform legislation that would lead to the end of the old system of doling out patronage jobs. Some attribute Arthur's change of heart from spoilsman to reformer to a series of letters he received from a young woman named Julia Sand. Arthur kept these letters and later met with Ms. Sand, causing some biographers to place great importance on this correspondence. In one letter written soon after Arthur became president. Julia Sand wrote:
"“Your kindest opponents say 'Arthur will try to do right' – adding gloomily – 'He won't succeed though making a man President cannot change him.' But making a man President can change him! Great emergencies awaken generous traits which have lain dormant half a life. If there is a spark of true nobility in you, now is the occasion to let it shine. Faith in your better nature forces me to write to you – but not to beg you to resign. Do what is more difficult and brave. Reform! It is not proof of highest goodness never to have done wrong, but it is proof of it, sometimes in ones career, to pause and ponder, to recognize the evil, to turn resolutely against it. Once in a while there comes a crisis which renders miracles feasible. The great tidal wave of sorrow which has rolled over the country has swept you loose from your old moorings & set you on a mountaintop, alone. Disappoint our fears. Force the nation to have faith in you. Show from the first that you have none but the purest of aims. You cannot slink back into obscurity, if you would. A hundred years hence, school boys will recite your name in the list of presidents and tell of your administration. And what shall posterity say? It is for you to choose."