Presidential Transitions: Carter, Reagan and the Iran Hostage Crisis
The election of 1980 was held on November 4th. Also being held at that time were fifty-two American diplomats and citizens, who had been held captive for exactly one year since November 4, 1979 when a group of Iranian students, belonging to the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, captured and took over the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. On April 24, 1980, Carter had approved Operation Eagle Claw, which tried unsuccessfully to free the hostages. The mission failed, leaving eight American servicemen dead and two aircraft destroyed. The hostage crisis loomed large during the election campaign. On election day former California Governor Ronald Reagan and his running mate former Congressman George H. W. Bush defeated Carter by almost 10 percentage points in the popular vote. Republicans also gained control of the Senate for the first time since 1952. The electoral college vote was a landslide, with 489 votes (representing 44 states) for Reagan and 49 votes for Carter (representing six states and Washington, D.C.).
A second rescue attempt was planned but never carried out. It proposed the use of highly modified YMC-130H Hercules aircraft. Three aircraft were outfitted with rocket thrusters to allow an extremely short landing and takeoff in the Shahid Shiroudi football stadium near the embassy, as part of a secret program known as Operation Credible Sport. One crashed during a demonstration at Eglin Air Force Base on October 29, 1980, when its braking rockets were fired too soon. The misfire caused a hard touchdown that tore off the starboard wing and started a fire, but all on board survived. After Carter lost the presidential election in November, the project was abandoned.
On January 20, 1981, just minutes after Ronald Reagan's inauguration, the hostages were released. In the aftermath, it was alleged that the Reagan campaign had made a secret deal with the Iranian government in which the Iranians would hold the hostages until after Reagan was elected and inaugurated. These allegations appear to be the product of conspiracy theorists and appear to be without substance. Those who deny the truth of such assertions say, among other things, that while it might have made sense to delay release until after election day, it makes no sense for the release to be delayed after the inauguration. But the strongest argument against the potential conspiracy is the lack of any significant evidence proving such an agreement to exist.
These allegations were raised during an investigation by a House of Representatives Subcommittee into how the 1980 Reagan Campaign obtained debate briefing materials of President Carter. During the investigation the incident, which the media called "Debategate", the committee obtained access to Reagan Campaign documents and discovered memorandum referencing a monitoring effort for any such October Surprise. The committee found no evidence to support the notion that the Reagan team subverted the government's attempt to resolve the hostage crisis.
This unsupported conspiracy theory was revisited in 1986 during the investigation into the Iran-Contra affair. At that time it was discovered that the U.S. government had made a secret deal with the Iranian government in 1985 to covertly supply Iran with arms, with the sale proceeds being used to support the Nicaraguan Contras. Investigations of the Iran-Contra affair, in which the Central Intelligence Agency played a central role, once again raised new accusations about possible interference by the Reagan campaign in 1980.
Author Joseph Trento has alleged that covert discussions were had in March of 1980, between an international arms dealer named Jamshid Hashimi and with William Casey, who would later become Reagan's CIA Director. The two were supposed to have met at Washington's Mayflower Hotel. The following month Donald Gregg, a National Security Council aide, meets Hashimi's brother in New York's Shazam restaurant, near Hashimi's bank. Trento says that n July of 1980, another meeting took place in Madrid, arranged by the Hashimi brothers. Trento claims that Casey told the Iranians that if Iran could assure that American hostages were well treated until their release and were released as a "gift" to the new administration, "the Republicans would be most grateful." But even on Trento's version, the Iranians could not make such a commitment. Trento claims that in August of 1980 it is alleged that the Iranian representative met with Casey, this time saying that Khomeini has agreed to the proposal.
But the US Senate’s 1992 report concluded that "by any standard, the credible evidence now known falls far short of supporting the allegation of an agreement between the Reagan campaign and Iran to delay the release of the hostages." A House of Representatives’ 1993 report also concluded: “there is no credible evidence supporting any attempt by the Reagan presidential campaign—or persons associated with the campaign—to delay the release of the American hostages in Iran”. The task force Chairman Lee H. Hamilton added that the vast majority of the sources and material reviewed by the committee were "wholesale fabricators or were impeached by documentary evidence". Their report also expressed the opinion that many who had testified about the existence of such a conspiracy had committed perjury.
Casey was one of two leaders of Reagan's transition team, along with Anne Armstrong, who co-chaired the campaign. Future Attorney-General Ed Meese was the transition director, with Jim Baker (the designated White House chief of staff) as his deputy. Baker focused on organizing the White House. There were 48 task forces which examined agencies, policy, personnel, legislative agendas, and legal issues. Cabinet selections were filtered through an informal “kitchen cabinet” of Reagan friends and James. Policy was developed in broad brush strokes, but the White House staff eventually included an Office of Policy Coordination. The transition team developed a detailed, day-by-day agenda for the President’s first month in office. This agenda focused on a limited number of policy issues that were at the top of the agenda.
The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, just as Reagan was completing his inaugural address. This appears to have been the fruit of negotiations began by Carter, and the timing of the release appears to be the product of the Iranians' desire to deny Carter any credit for their release, rather than anything done by the Reagan campaign team. The 52 American hostages were released into U.S. custody. They were flown from Iran to Algeria as a symbolic gesture of appreciation for the Algerian government’s help in resolving the crisis. The flight continued to Rhein-Main Air Base in West Germany and on to an Air Force hospital in Wiesbaden, where former President Carter received them. After medical check-ups and debriefings, the hostages took a second flight to Stewart Air National Guard Base in Newburgh, New York, with a refueling stop in Shannon, Ireland, where they were greeted by a large crowd. From Newburgh, they traveled by bus to the United States Military Academy at West Point and stayed at the Thayer Hotel for three days, receiving a heroes’ welcome all along the route. Ten days after their release, they were given a ticker tape parade through the Canyon of Heroes in New York City.
A second rescue attempt was planned but never carried out. It proposed the use of highly modified YMC-130H Hercules aircraft. Three aircraft were outfitted with rocket thrusters to allow an extremely short landing and takeoff in the Shahid Shiroudi football stadium near the embassy, as part of a secret program known as Operation Credible Sport. One crashed during a demonstration at Eglin Air Force Base on October 29, 1980, when its braking rockets were fired too soon. The misfire caused a hard touchdown that tore off the starboard wing and started a fire, but all on board survived. After Carter lost the presidential election in November, the project was abandoned.
On January 20, 1981, just minutes after Ronald Reagan's inauguration, the hostages were released. In the aftermath, it was alleged that the Reagan campaign had made a secret deal with the Iranian government in which the Iranians would hold the hostages until after Reagan was elected and inaugurated. These allegations appear to be the product of conspiracy theorists and appear to be without substance. Those who deny the truth of such assertions say, among other things, that while it might have made sense to delay release until after election day, it makes no sense for the release to be delayed after the inauguration. But the strongest argument against the potential conspiracy is the lack of any significant evidence proving such an agreement to exist.
These allegations were raised during an investigation by a House of Representatives Subcommittee into how the 1980 Reagan Campaign obtained debate briefing materials of President Carter. During the investigation the incident, which the media called "Debategate", the committee obtained access to Reagan Campaign documents and discovered memorandum referencing a monitoring effort for any such October Surprise. The committee found no evidence to support the notion that the Reagan team subverted the government's attempt to resolve the hostage crisis.
This unsupported conspiracy theory was revisited in 1986 during the investigation into the Iran-Contra affair. At that time it was discovered that the U.S. government had made a secret deal with the Iranian government in 1985 to covertly supply Iran with arms, with the sale proceeds being used to support the Nicaraguan Contras. Investigations of the Iran-Contra affair, in which the Central Intelligence Agency played a central role, once again raised new accusations about possible interference by the Reagan campaign in 1980.
Author Joseph Trento has alleged that covert discussions were had in March of 1980, between an international arms dealer named Jamshid Hashimi and with William Casey, who would later become Reagan's CIA Director. The two were supposed to have met at Washington's Mayflower Hotel. The following month Donald Gregg, a National Security Council aide, meets Hashimi's brother in New York's Shazam restaurant, near Hashimi's bank. Trento says that n July of 1980, another meeting took place in Madrid, arranged by the Hashimi brothers. Trento claims that Casey told the Iranians that if Iran could assure that American hostages were well treated until their release and were released as a "gift" to the new administration, "the Republicans would be most grateful." But even on Trento's version, the Iranians could not make such a commitment. Trento claims that in August of 1980 it is alleged that the Iranian representative met with Casey, this time saying that Khomeini has agreed to the proposal.
But the US Senate’s 1992 report concluded that "by any standard, the credible evidence now known falls far short of supporting the allegation of an agreement between the Reagan campaign and Iran to delay the release of the hostages." A House of Representatives’ 1993 report also concluded: “there is no credible evidence supporting any attempt by the Reagan presidential campaign—or persons associated with the campaign—to delay the release of the American hostages in Iran”. The task force Chairman Lee H. Hamilton added that the vast majority of the sources and material reviewed by the committee were "wholesale fabricators or were impeached by documentary evidence". Their report also expressed the opinion that many who had testified about the existence of such a conspiracy had committed perjury.
Casey was one of two leaders of Reagan's transition team, along with Anne Armstrong, who co-chaired the campaign. Future Attorney-General Ed Meese was the transition director, with Jim Baker (the designated White House chief of staff) as his deputy. Baker focused on organizing the White House. There were 48 task forces which examined agencies, policy, personnel, legislative agendas, and legal issues. Cabinet selections were filtered through an informal “kitchen cabinet” of Reagan friends and James. Policy was developed in broad brush strokes, but the White House staff eventually included an Office of Policy Coordination. The transition team developed a detailed, day-by-day agenda for the President’s first month in office. This agenda focused on a limited number of policy issues that were at the top of the agenda.
The hostages were released on January 20, 1981, just as Reagan was completing his inaugural address. This appears to have been the fruit of negotiations began by Carter, and the timing of the release appears to be the product of the Iranians' desire to deny Carter any credit for their release, rather than anything done by the Reagan campaign team. The 52 American hostages were released into U.S. custody. They were flown from Iran to Algeria as a symbolic gesture of appreciation for the Algerian government’s help in resolving the crisis. The flight continued to Rhein-Main Air Base in West Germany and on to an Air Force hospital in Wiesbaden, where former President Carter received them. After medical check-ups and debriefings, the hostages took a second flight to Stewart Air National Guard Base in Newburgh, New York, with a refueling stop in Shannon, Ireland, where they were greeted by a large crowd. From Newburgh, they traveled by bus to the United States Military Academy at West Point and stayed at the Thayer Hotel for three days, receiving a heroes’ welcome all along the route. Ten days after their release, they were given a ticker tape parade through the Canyon of Heroes in New York City.