geeky
Jackson began his message by thanking his "fellow citizens" for their "many proofs of kindness and confidence which I have received at your hands." While he acknowledged that the presidency had "frequently" left him "in difficult and trying situations, where prompt decision and energetic action were necessary, and where the interest of the country required that high responsibilities should be fearlessly encountered", and that it was not "at all times been free from errors", Jackson nevertheless considered the presidency to have been a rewarding experience.
Jackson reflected on how the nation had "now lived almost fifty years under the Constitution framed by the sages and patriots of the Revolution." He observed that while European nations were waging war with one another, in his nation, the "Constitution is no longer a doubtful experiment, and at the end of nearly half a century we find that it has preserved unimpaired the liberties of the people, secured the rights of property, and that our country has improved and is flourishing beyond any former example in the history of nations."
Domestically, the first subject he addressed was the matter of Native Americans, after stating that "nothing can impede your march to the highest point of national prosperity." He went on to make what now appears to be a remarkably insensitive statement, at odds with reality:
"The States which had so long been retarded in their improvement by the Indian tribes residing in the midst of them are at length relieved from the evil, and this unhappy race, the original dwellers in our land, are now placed in a situation where we may well hope that they will share in the blessings of civilization and be saved from that degradation and destruction to which they were rapidly hastening while they remained in the States; and while the safety and comfort of our own citizens have been greatly promoted by their removal, the philanthropist will rejoice that the remnant of that ill-fated race has been at length placed beyond the reach of injury or oppression, and that the paternal care of the General Government will hereafter watch over them and protect them."
Jackson next addressed foreign relations, stating that he considered "our condition equally gratifying." He said that "Difficulties of old standing have been surmounted by friendly discussion and the mutual desire to be just", adding that "our relations with every foreign power are now of the most friendly character, our commerce continually expanding, and our flag respected in every quarter of the world."
National unity was a concern at that time, following the "Nullification Crisis". Jackson credited the Constitution with keeping the nation united, stating "It is no longer a question whether this great country can remain happily united and flourish under our present form of government. Experience, the unerring test of all human undertakings, has shown the wisdom and foresight of those who formed it, and has proved that in the union of these States there is a sure foundation for the brightest hopes of freedom and for the happiness of the people. At every hazard and by every sacrifice this Union must be preserved." He referenced George Washington who, in his Farewell Address, had said that "while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands". Jackson said: The lessons contained in this invaluable legacy of Washington to his countrymen should be cherished in the heart of every citizen to the latest generation; and perhaps at no period of time could they be more usefully remembered than at the present moment."
Jackson said that the Constitution, which had once been regarded as "an experiment" was no longer such. "The trial has been made. It has succeeded beyond the proudest hopes of those who framed it" he wrote. He was critical of those whose "systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States and to place party divisions directly upon geographical distinctions; to excite the South against the North and the North against the South". He went on to write:
"Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten, or have designs already been formed to sever the Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all of those who have taken an active part in these unwise and unprofitable discussions a want of patriotism or of public virtue. The honorable feeling of State pride and local attachments finds a place in the bosoms of the most enlightened and pure. But while such men are conscious of their own integrity and honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other States are their political brethren, and that however mistaken they may be in their views, the great body of them are equally honest and upright with themselves. Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time create mutual hostility, and artful and designing men will always be found who are ready to foment these fatal divisions and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. The history of the world is full of such examples, and especially the history of republics."
He continued to address those who viewed secession as an option and asked "What have you to gain by division and dissension?" He said that these people were deluding themselves if they thought that "a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider". He described how he thought secession would unfold if allowed to occur. He said that "in order to maintain the Union unimpaired it is absolutely necessary that the laws passed by the constituted authorities should be faithfully executed in every part of the country, and that every good citizen should at all times stand ready to put down, with the combined force of the nation, every attempt at unlawful resistance, under whatever pretext it may be made or whatever shape it may assume." He said that the courts were the place to address "unconstitutional or oppressive laws" and if that failed, "then free discussion and calm appeals to reason and to the justice of the people will not fail to redress the wrong. But until the law shall be declared void by the courts or repealed by Congress no individual or combination of individuals can be justified in forcibly resisting its execution."
Jackson warned that "the citizens of every State should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the people of other States, and they should frown upon any proceedings within their own borders likely to disturb the tranquility of their political brethren in other portions of the Union." He acknowledged the right of "every State" to "be the sole judge of the measures proper to secure the safety of its citizens and promote their happiness" but he added that "everyone, upon sober reflection, will see that nothing but mischief can come from these improper assaults upon the feelings and rights of others. Rest assured that the men found busy in this work of discord are not worthy of your confidence, and deserve your strongest reprobation."
Jackson warned that all should be on guard against "those amongst us who wish to enlarge the powers of the. General Government" when doing so would "overstep the boundaries marked out for it by the Constitution." He thought that the Federal Government's "legitimate authority is abundantly sufficient for all the purposes for which it was created", and any "attempt to exercise power beyond these limits should be promptly and firmly opposed". He specifically referred to the Federal Government's power of taxation as one rife for abuse. He said that "Congress has no right under the Constitution to take money from the people unless it is required to execute some one of the specific powers entrusted to the Government; and if they raise more than is necessary for such purposes, it is an abuse of the power of taxation, and unjust and oppressive."
Jackson was critical of the tariffs which he said was "bearing most oppressively on the agricultural and laboring classes of society and producing a revenue that could not be usefully employed within the range of the powers conferred upon Congress, and in order to fasten upon the people this unjust and unequal system of taxation extravagant schemes of internal improvement were got up in various quarters to squander the money and to purchase support." He concluded this issue by stating: "The good sense and practical judgment of the people when the subject was brought before them sustained the course of the Executive, and this plan of unconstitutional expenditures for the purposes of corrupt influence is, I trust, finally overthrown." He noted that the nation had paid off its debt and accumulated a surplus. He warned that "Designing politicians" would use high tariffs "to conciliate their favor and to obtain the means of profuse expenditure for the purpose of purchasing influence in other quarters." He said that this would lead to "lavish expenditures exceeding their resources" and said that soon Americans would "before long find themselves oppressed with debts which they are unable to pay, and the temptation will become irresistible to support a high tariff in order to obtain a surplus for distribution." He said that high tariffs would "inevitably lead to corruption, and must end in ruin."
Jackson next addressed the issue of currency and of the national bank. He wrote: "The Constitution of the United States unquestionably intended to secure to the people a circulating medium of gold and silver. But the establishment of a national bank by Congress, with the privilege of issuing paper money receivable in the payment of the public dues, and the unfortunate course of legislation in the several States upon the same subject, drove from general circulation the constitutional currency and substituted one of paper in its place." He said that "experience has now proved the mischiefs and dangers of a paper currency". He elaborated, writing:
"In times of prosperity, when confidence is high, they are tempted by the prospect of gain or by the influence of those who hope to profit by it to extend their issues of paper beyond the bounds of discretion and the reasonable demands of business; and when these issues have been pushed on from day to day, until public confidence is at length shaken, then a reaction takes place, and they immediately withdraw the credits they have given, suddenly curtail their issues, and produce an unexpected and ruinous contraction of the circulating medium, which is felt by the whole community. The banks by this means save themselves, and the mischievous consequences of their imprudence or cupidity are visited upon the public. Nor does the evil stop here. These ebbs and flows in the currency and these indiscreet extensions of credit naturally engender a spirit of speculation injurious to the habits and character of the people. We have already seen its effects in the wild spirit of speculation in the public lands and various kinds of stock which within the last year or two seized upon such a multitude of our citizens and threatened to pervade all classes of society and to withdraw their attention from the sober pursuits of honest industry."
Jackson said that it was "the duty of every government so to regulate its currency as to protect" the people "from the impositions of avarice and fraud." He added that "the paper-money system of this country may be used as an engine to undermine your free institutions, and that those who desire to engross all power in the hands of the few and to govern by corruption or force are aware of its power and prepared to employ it." Jackson felt that this put too much power in the hands of the banks, warning that "in the present state of the currency these banks may and do operate injuriously upon the habits of business, the pecuniary concerns, and the moral tone of society". He portrayed his curtailment of the banks as in the public interest. He wrote:
"The distress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands can not yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished and ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly changed into one of gloom and despondency ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States. If such was its power in a time of peace, what would it not have been in a season of war, with an enemy at your doors?
Jackson hoped that "The severe lessons of experience" would "prevent Congress from again chartering such a monopoly, even if the Constitution did not present an insuperable objection to it." He reminded Americans that "eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing." He warned about the Bank, saying: "You have already had abundant evidence of its power to inflict injury upon the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society", and said that "With such a bank and a paper currency the money power would in a few years govern the State and control its measures".
Jackson next turned his mind to foreign policy, saying that it was "unquestionably our true interest to cultivate the most friendly understanding with every nation and to avoid by every honorable means the calamities of war". Oblivious to how he had treated Native Americans, Jackson called for the "faithful execution of treaties", and "justice and impartiality in our conduct to all." But Jackson called for a strong national defense, noting that the nation was "in a season of peace and with an overflowing revenue", and said that the nation should "year after year add to its strength". He especially called for the building of a strong navy. He said: "The abundant means we now possess can not be applied in any manner more useful to the country, and when this is done and our naval force sufficiently strengthened and our militia armed we need not fear that any nation will wantonly insult us or needlessly provoke hostilities. We shall more certainly preserve peace when it is well understood that we are prepared for War."
Jackson closed his farewell address by observing "that the path of freedom is continually beset by enemies who often assume the disguise of friends" and said that he had "devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of the dangers." He commented on how the nation had made progress and experienced growth that was "rapid beyond all former example in numbers, in wealth, in knowledge, and all the useful arts which contribute to the comforts and convenience of man". He told Americans that there was "no longer any cause to fear danger from abroad" and that if there was any danger to their liberty, it would come from within. He asked that "He who holds in His hands the destinies of nations make you worthy of the favors He has bestowed and enable you, with pure hearts and pure hands and sleepless vigilance, to guard and defend to the end of time the great charge He has committed to your keeping." He then closed with these words:
"My own race is nearly run; advanced age and failing health warn me that before long I must pass beyond the reach of human events and cease to feel the vicissitudes of human affairs. I thank God that my life has been spent in a land of liberty and that He has given me a heart to love my country with the affection of a son. And filled with gratitude for your constant and unwavering kindness, I bid you a last and affectionate farewell."